Asian Wisconzine Section/Heidi M. Pascual

Heidi Pascual

When a Passport Becomes a Presumption

America has the right to protect its borders. Every country does. But there is a grave difference between careful, individualized security screening and treating entire nationalities, religions, or ethnic communities as presumptively suspicious.

That is the danger posed by President Donald Trump’s current immigration policies. The discrimination may not always be written in blunt racial words. It is often carried out through nationality: which passports are restricted, which students are singled out, which families are forced to wait, and whose presence is treated as a security risk before any individual act has been proven.

The result is a tightening grip on many people of color — especially Asian immigrants and students, Chinese communities, and people from Muslim-majority countries. And even Asian Americans who are citizens cannot escape its chilling message: that their belonging may always be questioned because of where their family came from, how they look, or what faith others assume they hold.

In June 2025, the Trump administration imposed full entry restrictions on nationals of 12 countries, including Afghanistan, Burma or Myanmar, Iran, Libya, Somalia, Sudan, and Yemen. It imposed partial restrictions on seven others, including Laos and Turkmenistan. The White House says the policy is based on inadequate identity systems, information-sharing, visa-overstay rates, and national-security concerns. Those concerns should be taken seriously — but that does not remove the human cost of a policy that shuts doors according to nationality. The White House proclamation confirms that the restrictions cover both immigrant and non-immigrant entry, with limited exceptions and waivers.

The pattern matters. Several affected countries are Muslim-majority. Afghanistan, Myanmar, Laos, and Turkmenistan also show that the impact reaches deeply into Asia. A visa policy may use the language of “vetting,” but when whole national groups are burdened or excluded, it creates a system in which a person’s passport becomes a proxy for danger.

The administration’s treatment of Chinese students is particularly alarming. In May 2025, Secretary of State Marco Rubio announced that the United States would “aggressively” revoke visas of Chinese students with alleged connections to the Chinese Communist Party or those studying in unspecified “critical fields,” while increasing scrutiny of future applicants from China and Hong Kong. Yet the public was not given clear definitions of those critical fields or clear standards for determining a prohibited connection.

That vagueness is precisely the problem. National security is real; espionage and theft of research must be investigated and punished with evidence. But a Chinese student must not be treated as an agent of the Chinese government simply because she studies engineering, computer science, or medicine. In the 2023–2024 school year, more than 270,000 Chinese students studied in the United States — roughly one-quarter of all international students. They are not a monolith. They are young people, scholars, researchers, future doctors, and future bridge-builders between nations. (Associated Press reported the policy announcement and the scale of the Chinese student population.)

There is a painful historical lesson here. The United States once excluded Chinese migrants by law, imprisoned Japanese Americans during World War II, and later allowed fear of communism and terrorism to become a shortcut for profiling people of Asian and Muslim backgrounds. The government’s China Initiative was formally ended in 2022 after widespread concern that its approach had unfairly targeted Chinese and Asian American scientists. As the Brennan Center has warned, national-security policy can easily slide from investigating conduct into suspecting ancestry.

The renewed demand for expansive social-media screening adds another layer of anxiety. The State Department has required many visa applicants — including student and exchange visitors — to make social-media profiles public for review. Such screening is not limited to Asians, but it places extraordinary surveillance burdens on foreign students and workers, many of whom come from Asian countries.

We must also speak plainly about Muslim and Islam-associated Asian communities. Islamophobia does not carefully distinguish among Muslims, Sikhs, Hindus, Arabs, Persians, South Asians, and Southeast Asians. A person can be targeted simply for a hijab, a beard, a name, or skin color. In 2025, the civil-rights group CAIR recorded 8,683 complaints involving anti-Muslim and anti-Arab discrimination — the highest total in its reporting history. These are complaints, not all adjudicated cases, but they are an important warning sign about the climate in which immigration rules are being enforced. (Reuters reported CAIR’s figures and categories.)

 

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The anti-Asian hatred unleashed during COVID-19 has not disappeared either. COVID did not create anti-Asian racism, but it made it more visible and measurable. FBI data cited by Pew Research Center showed reported anti-Asian hate-crime incidents rising from 158 in 2019 to 279 in 2020, then to 746 in 2021. From March 2020 through May 2023, Stop AAPI Hate received more than 11,000 reports of anti-Asian hate incidents. (Pew’s review)

That is why political language matters. When leaders speak of a foreign government as though it were indistinguishable from an entire people, hate spreads outward. A dispute with Beijing must not become suspicion of Chinese Americans. A campaign against terrorism must not become fear of Muslims. Immigration enforcement must not become permission to treat Asian faces as foreign faces.

A just immigration system can be secure without being cruel. It can investigate individuals on credible evidence instead of imposing broad penalties based on nationality. It can state its standards clearly, provide due process, allow meaningful review, and publish reliable data on visa denials, revocations, detentions, and deportations.

America’s immigration policy tells the world who is welcome. But it also tells its own citizens who is presumed to belong. When a passport becomes a presumption of danger, the border does not merely keep people out. It weakens democracy from within.

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